Colombia’s green transition should be inclusive: Interview with Susana Muhamad, former environment minister

BOGOTÁ — In June 2022, Gustavo Petro, a former guerrilla member, was elected as Colombia’s first avowedly leftist president, promising to fight inequality, bring “total peace” to the country, and dismantle the fossil fuel industry. 

After Petro took office, Colombia became the first major oil-producing country to join the treaty initiative to eliminate fossil fuel extraction. In early 2023, he banned new oil and gas exploration contracts, while putting pressure on Congress to pass a ban on fracking.

Colombia quickly stepped in to assume the presidency of the 2024 United Nations Biodiversity Conference (COP16) after Türkiye, the planned host, withdrew following three devastating earthquakes in February 2023. To lead his ambitious environmental agenda at home and internationally, Petro named Susana Muhamad as the minister of environment and sustainable development, and president of COP16. Muhamad, 47, started her career as a sustainable development consultant for Shell Global Solutions International in the Netherlands. She later went on to work as secretary of the environment and general secretary of the Bogotá mayor’s office, then as a city councilor. She served as vice president of the national coordination board of the Colombia Humana political party before her appointment to Petro’s cabinet in August 2022. 

Colombia is one of the most biodiverse countries in the world, and the most biodiverse per square kilometer. It’s home to the Amazon, the world’s largest tropical rainforest, which covers more than a third of the country’s territory. Colombia contributes less than 1% of the world’s CO2 emissions, but is a major coal and oil exporter, accounting for more than half of its exports.

The Petro administration is struggling to live up to its ambitious environmental agenda. The country is notorious as the deadliest place for environmental defenders, accounting for about 40% of all recorded killings in 2023, according to a report by Global Witness. Its state-owned oil and gas company, Ecopetrol, is mired in scandal, and armed groups continue to terrorize the country and deforest large swaths of land despite the 2016 peace agreement that was supposed to end a decades-long armed conflict.

Globally, the challenge is equally daunting. As president of COP16 first in Cali in late 2024 and later in Rome in February 2025, Muhamad faced significant hurdles in uniting international partners around a plan to halt and reverse biodiversity loss by 2050. In Cali, she championed broad participation at what she calls “the People’s COP,” launched under the slogan “Peace with nature.” Participants agreed on the establishment of the Cali Fund to support biodiversity conservation and they gave Indigenous people a permanent place in biodiversity policy. Yet concerns remain about lack of funding for biodiversity initiatives and continuing struggles for Indigenous peoples.

Following her resignation from the government in March, Muhamad shared with Mongabay her reflections about Colombia’s green transition and its efforts to protect the environment and biodiversity at home and abroad. 

The following interview has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

Mongabay: Since President Petro’s ban on new licenses for oil and gas exploration, there have been frequent warnings that this could erode Colombia’s energy independence and increase its reliance on foreign fossil fuels. How do you see Colombia’s energy security and what are some of the environmental implications of importing energy from abroad? 

Susana Muhamad: The planning of the energy transition is a process that has to consider the internal reserves for self-consumption. But a lot of the oil that is produced in Colombia is for export.

So for Colombia, the energy transition implies thinking about an economic export transition, which affects the country’s trade balance and fiscal income. That’s the most sensitive part of the energy transition in Colombia, rather than only thinking about the energy matrix.

The economic transition in Colombia has to be very strategic. It needs economic diversification. We are the world’s fifth-largest exporter of coal, but our markets are already closing and profits are decreasing. We need an alternative economic process and an economic matrix that is decarbonized that would make us competitive in the 21st century. In 15 years, without an alternative, Colombia could be in a very bad situation depending on which oils the markets will be choosing. We also need to start working on reducing the demand and the dependency, so that we can use our current reserves more strategically in the transition. This is what I think the government has been trying to do. It has been successful in some aspects. I think this still needs to be tied up into a more synergistic strategy and communicated like a narrative that brings more cohesion between economic actors and the government. The plans are right, the models are right, but we have to engage everybody in that process of economic transition. I think the government has still not been able to do that. This can create a lot of dissonance and conflict.

Mongabay: The discovery of the offshore Sirius gas field in December 2024, estimated to be the largest in Colombia, raises questions regarding environmental licensing. What is the expected time frame for obtaining all of the necessary permits and do you foresee any delay or cancellation of the project due to the licensing requirements?

Susana Muhamad: [Sirius] is deep, it’s around 70 kilometers [43 miles] from the coast and 800 meters [2,600 feet] below the surface. The Sirius project could potentially increase Colombia’s gas reserves by 200%. It’s a strategic project for the country, for the energy transition, but it needs to have a strong licensing process. It also depends on the companies to be strict with environmental standards. If their potential environmental impacts don’t meet the standards, they won’t get the license, I can assure you that. 

The other issue is if social consultations become difficult. That doesn’t have to do with environmental permits, but it’s another aspect that has to be looked at that could delay the project. But with good social and environmental management, this should be possible.

Mongabay: President Petro recently banned Ecopetrol from extending its contract with the U.S. company Occidental because of the latter’s involvement in fracking. Ecopetrol also has investments in fracking projects in the U.S. How does the government’s position on fracking align with Ecopetrol and its activities abroad? And is that something that affects the relationship between Colombia and the U.S.?

Susana Muhamad: I would say that this government does not agree in general with fracking. The president is trying to make Ecopetrol the leading state organization in advancing the energy transition, but this has faced legal and internal obstacles. Continuing to invest abroad in unconventional fossil fuels is not compatible with trying to make Ecopetrol the country’s leading energy transition company, and that’s why the government is trying to invest, for example, in green hydrogen, in alternative energy sources. Any capital investment is an opportunity to be more at the forefront of what’s coming rather than continue putting money into what’s going to be left behind. The transition in this public oil company is still being solved.

Mongabay: A recent investigation into Ecopetrol by the Environmental Investigation Agency and Earthworks showed that the company has been concealing hundreds of cases of environmental damage. The whistleblower involved in the case appealed to more than 100 Colombian authorities to investigate Ecopetrol, but the company largely continued its activity with near impunity. How should the Colombian government make accountable its biggest oil and gas company and make sure that community concerns and environmental contamination are addressed?

Susana Muhamad: That is a critical issue. I think the government — right now, I’m not part of the government — should take these claims seriously and the National Environmental [Licensing] Agency should revise the licenses and their monitoring process to understand and to give an official response to the documentary. It’s very important to put all the perspectives on the table, assess the situation and take measures immediately. There have been a lot of changes in the government in the last month. So I think this would probably be one of the critical issues for the new director of the agency [Irene Vélez, former minister of mines and energy].

Mongabay: Deforestation in Colombia increased by 35% in 2024, which you have partly attributed to organized crime activities. What does Colombia need to do so that forests are no longer used as a barter for peace building?

Susana Muhamad: Let’s put the numbers into context. In 2021, the last year of the previous government, Colombia lost 174,000 hectares [430,000 acres] of forest. When this government started, we reduced  that number to 123,000 hectares [304,000 acres] in 2022, the lowest level of deforestation since 2000.

For 2024, that figure is estimated to be between 106,000 and 110,000 hectares [262,000 and 272,000 acres] and will be made official in June. So while deforestation increased from 2023 by around 30%, in 2024 it’s still the second-lowest in 23 years. The government has contained deforestation to record-low numbers, which is still not enough, because we should have zero deforestation, but we should put that number into perspective. The challenge of the new minister of environment is to keep that number in those low ranges, between 80,000 and 100,000 or 110,000 hectares [198,000 to 272,000 acres].

To achieve that, we should concentrate on the Amazon first, because that’s where the main forest remains, and 60% of deforestation occurs there. The second variable is the peace process and the dissidents’ perspective. It’s also critical that agriculture stops subsidizing cattle farming in the Amazon.

Mongabay: The government recently announced a new coca crop substitution program to pay farmers 1.28 million pesos (about $300) a month to switch from coca to other crops. President Petro has also been advocating for the legalization of coca. What is your position regarding coca cultivation as well as narcotrafficking in Colombia? What does the government need to do, especially from an environmental standpoint, given how cocaine production has been shown to both deforest lands and contaminate ecosystems?

Susana Muhamad: There are critical aspects that need to come together. First, how to substitute, not the crops, but the economy of the regions, with political backing and political agreement with the communities and the government. Second, how to strengthen criminal investigation of criminal structures of narcotics and drug dealing. We also need to improve seizures, so it becomes more difficult and more expensive to ship drugs, as well as increase checks across more territory.

I think the government has done a good job when it comes to seizing coca shipments at sea, but it faces logistical obstacles, for example, part of the gasoline that is needed to process the coca crops in the Pacific goes through a pipeline. That pipeline was stopped. But I agree with President Petro that if we don’t have legalization, this will be a continued cat-and-mouse fight. And of course it doesn’t depend only on Colombia. Colombia has been a strong advocate for drug legalization, but we cannot wait until that happens at some point, so we have to continue the policy [of crop substitution].

Mongabay: Colombia remains the world’s most dangerous country for environmental defenders, according to Global Witness, accounting for about 40% of all recorded killings in the world in 2024. What is the government doing to secure environmental activists and their right to speak up without fear in Colombia? And why is it that the state seems to have failed so far in this respect?

Susana Muhamad: I have to say that the increase has happened exactly where peace talks were lifted last year, especially in Cauca, Nariño, and Indigenous people’s territories, which is a tragedy. But it is within the context of Colombia’s struggle with illicit economies, and these dissident groups that are fighting, that the killings have happened. So it’s a broader issue than only protecting the right to activism and the right to be able to make your voice heard.

The government, especially the ministry of environment, worked to help legitimize the environmental struggles in different regions. This means shifting the attitude from seeing the environmental opposition to government projects as opposition to development and instead create an environment to make such voices, even if they are against government projects, legitimate. We have been creating spaces for those voices to have a dialogue directly with the government. That’s a very important first step, because environmental activists were isolated in their issues. The ANLA [National Environmental Licensing Agency] has increased the guarantees for participation in the environmental licensing auditions, changing the rules of the game, for example, giving the same time to authorities, companies and activists to respond with more assertiveness and using feedback from communities as a decisive factor in granting licenses. They have to analyze what the community is saying and justify why the decision they’re taking responds to that or not. 

The Escazú Agreement [on environmental transparency and justice] came into force in December 2024 and Colombia needs to strengthen all government agencies to create more security for environmental defenders, especially working closely with the judicial system. 

Mongabay: Despite the agreement on the Cali Fund in Rome, the commitments are not binding and there’s an expectation that companies will also contribute. What could be the incentives for corporations to step up, including some of those industries and corporations that harm biodiversity? 

Susana Muhamad: Digital sequencing information is a very specific sector of the economy, but it’s not a small one. For example, pharmaceuticals and agribusiness use the databases on digital sequencing of genetic resources, which is the target of the fund, but there’s a broader scope of companies. There are companies that want to contribute. We need a global campaign which tells them that by participating in the Cali Fund, they can build a brand as contributors to protecting biodiversity. Countries can also give national incentives to companies if they participate in the Cali Fund. The instrument for the Cali Fund is ready, but now we need a campaign and a process to mobilize companies. So I think there’s momentum to move forward. 

Mongabay: What has Colombia done to eliminate its harmful subsidies as stipulated by Target 18 at COP16 [which calls for phasing out or reforming of harmful subsidies reaching $500 billion per year by 2030]?

Susana Muhamad: We eliminated all subsidies for gasoline in 2024, and we also halved them for diesel. That has put a very heavy fiscal pressure on the state. We tried to slash all subsidies for diesel, but we faced strikes, as this hits especially trucks that transport food. Eliminating the other 50% of diesel subsidies will depend on the energy transition of these trucks. 

In terms of agriculture, there’s a decision not to finance cattle ranching in the Amazon. And there’s a traceability law that has not passed: it was supposed to improve the traceability of meat in general to avoid meat sourced from deforested areas and to prevent government subsidies from supporting this.

Mongabay: At COP16 you registered several victories for Indigenous people, but there’s still more work needed. What do you see as the next steps to close some of the financing gaps for Indigenous communities?

Susana Muhamad: I think there was a very big victory in setting up the Subsidiary Body because it gives an institutional structure to Indigenous people and local communities. Recognizing that the Cali Fund and also the Global Biodiversity Fund can be accessed directly by Indigenous communities was a very important step. The first meeting of the Subsidiary Body to set its rules will happen this May and I think that would be a very good process to start mapping how they can take action and be part of this global agreement directly.

Mongabay: What are the most important elements or policies of your legacy as a minister that you would like to see materialized by your successor?

Susana Muhamad: These would include consolidating the government’s achievements with reducing deforestation to its lowest rate in the last 23 years and finalizing a decision to close the Amazon frontier to fossil fuels. I would say that we can implement the Escazú Agreement in this next year and a half. And I hope that the Fund for Biodiversity and Life that we created, which has been operational in the last year, can increase funding for protecting biodiversity and strengthen the climate platform for [emissions reduction targets] and the financial capacities for the climate transition. That’s a lot of work still to be done.

Mongabay: Can you tell us about your vision for Colombia as an environmental frontrunner and how that fits into your plans now that you’re not part of the government anymore?

Susana Muhamad: This is a political struggle that should continue. Within the government, the environment used to be a small, unrecognized sector. The fact that the ministry of environment has become a priority for the president has helped to boost its political profile and increase people’s environmental awareness. There’s a lot of involvement from all sectors. We need a more cohesive policy and for the struggle to continue in a more productive, proactive way. I will be working on that from wherever I am.

Banner image: Susana Muhamad, Colombia’s former minister for environment and sustainable development and president of COP16. Image by Wilder Garcia.

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